Battle of Thermopylae
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- For criticism see Criticism of Battle_of_Thermopylae
| Battle of Thermopylae | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the Greco-Persian Wars | |||||||||
| The site of the battle today. | |||||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||||
| Greek city-states | Achaemenid Empire | ||||||||
| Commanders | |||||||||
| Leonidas I † | Xerxes I of Persia, Mardonius, Hydarnes | ||||||||
| Strength | |||||||||
| Totala 5,200+ (Herodotus) 7,400+ (Diodorus Siculus) 11,200 (Pausanias) | Total ~2,080,000 (Herodotus)[3] 80,000 (Ctesias)[4] ~200,000b | ||||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||||
| 1,000 to 4,000[5] | ~20,000 (Herodotus)[6] | ||||||||
| a Numbers from the ancient sources b Modern estimates | |||||||||
| |||||
The Battle of Thermopylae [thər móppəlee] (Greek: Θερμοπύλαι) took place over three days during the second Persian invasion of Greece. It took place simultaneously with the naval battle at Artemisium, in August or September 480 BC, at the pass of Thermopylae ('The Hot Gates'). It was fought between an alliance of Greek city-states, led by Sparta, and the Persian Empire of Xerxes I. The Persian invasion was a delayed response to the defeat of the first Persian invasion of Greece, which had been ended by the Athenian victory at the Battle of Marathon. Xerxes had amassed a huge army and navy, and set out to conquer all of Greece. The Athenian general Themistocles had proposed that the Allied Greeks block the advance of the Persian army at the pass of Thermopylae, and simultaneously block the Persian navy at the Straits of Artemisium.
An Allied force of approximately 7,000 men thus marched north to block the pass in the summer of 480 BC. The Persian army, alleged by the ancient sources to have numbered in the millions, arrived at the pass in late August or early September. Vastly outnumbered, the Greeks held up the Persians for seven days in total (including three of battle), before the rear-guard was annihilated in one of history's most famous last stands. During two full days of battle, the small force led by King Leonidas I of Sparta blocked the only road by which the massive Persian army could pass. After the second day of battle, a local resident named Ephialtes betrayed the Greeks by revealing a small path that led behind the Greek lines. Aware that they were being outflanked, Leonidas dismissed the bulk of the Greek army, and remained to guard the rear with 300 Spartans, 700 Thespians, 400 Thebans and perhaps a few hundred others, the vast majority of whom were killed.
After this engagement, the Allied navy at Artemisium received news of the defeat at Thermopylae. Since their strategy required both Thermopylae and Artemisium to be held, and given their losses, the Allied navy decided to withdraw to Salamis. The Persians overran Boeotia and then captured the now-evacuated Athens. However, seeking a decisive victory over the Allied fleet, the Persians were defeated at the Battle of Salamis in late 480 BC. Fearing to be trapped in Europe, Xerxes withdrew with much of his army to Asia, leaving Mardonius to complete the conquest of Greece. The following year, however, saw an Allied army decisively defeat the Persians at the Battle of Plataea, thereby ending the Persian invasion.
Both ancient and modern writers have used the Battle of Thermopylae as an example of the power of a patriotic army of freemen defending native soil. The performance of the defenders at the battle of Thermopylae is also used as an example of the advantages of training, equipment, and good use of terrain as force multipliers and has become a symbol of courage against overwhelming odds.
Contents |
Sources
"For the first time, a chronicler set himself to trace the origins of a conflict not to a past so remote so as to be utterly fabulous, nor to the whims and wishes of some god, nor to a people's claim to manifest destiny, but rather explanations he could verify personally."[8]
Many subsequent ancient historians, despite following in his footsteps, derided Herodotus, starting with Thucydides.[9] Nevertheless Thucydides chose to begin his history where Herodotus left off (at the Siege of Sestos), and must therefore have felt that Herodotus had done a reasonable job of summarising the preceding history. Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay "On The Malignity of Herodotus", describing Herodotus as "Philobarbaros" (barbarian-lover), for not being pro-Greek enough. This actually suggests that Herodotus might have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.[10] A negative view of Herodotus was passed on Renaissance Europe, though he remained well read.[11] However, since the 19th century his reputation has been dramatically rehabilitated by archaeological finds which have repeatedly confirmed his version of events.[12] The prevailing modern view is perhaps that Herodotus generally did a remarkable job in his Historia, but that some of his specific details (particularly troop numbers and dates) should be viewed with skepticism.[12] However, there are still some historians who believe Herodotus made up much of his story.[13]
The Sicilian historian Diodorus Siculus, writing in the 1st century BC in his Bibliotheca Historica, also provides an account of the Greco-Persian wars, partially derived from the earlier Greek historian Ephorus. This account is fairly consistent with Herodotus's.[14] The Greco-Persian wars are also described in less detail by a number of other ancient historians including Plutarch, Ctesias of Cnidus, and are alluded by other authors, such as the playwright Aeschylus. Archaeological evidence, such as the Serpent Column, also supports some of Herodotus's specific claims.[15]
Background
The Greek city-states of Athens and Eretria had supported the unsuccessful Ionian Revolt against the Persian Empire of Darius I in 499-494 BC. The Persian Empire was still relatively young, and prone to revolts amongst its subject peoples.[16][17] Moreover, Darius was a usurper, and had spent considerable time extinguishing revolts against his rule.[16] The Ionian revolt threatened the integrity of his empire, and Darius thus vowed to punish those involved (especially those not already part of the empire).[18][19] Darius also saw the opportunity to expand his empire into the fractious world of Ancient Greece.[19] A preliminary expedition under Mardonius in 492 BC, to secure the land approaches to Greece, re-conquered Thrace, and forced Macedon to become a client kingdom of Persia.[20]
In 491 BC, Darius sent emissaries to all the Greek city-states, asking for a gift of 'earth and water' in token of their submission to him.[21] Having had a demonstration of his power the previous year, the majority of Greek cities duly obliged. In Athens, however, the ambassadors were put on trial and then executed; in Sparta, they were simply thrown down a well.[21] This meant that Sparta was also effectively at war with Persia.[21]
Darius thus put together an amphibious task force under Datis and Artaphernes in 490 BC, which attacked Naxos, before receiving the submission of the other Cycladic Islands. The task force then moved on Eretria, which it besieged and destroyed.[22] Finally, it moved to attack Athens, landing at the bay of Marathon, where it was met by a heavily outnumbered Athenian army. At the ensuing Battle of Marathon, the Athenians won a remarkable victory, which resulted in the withdrawal of the Persian army to Asia.[23]
Darius therefore began raising a huge new army with which he meant to completely subjugate Greece; however, in 486 BC, his Egyptian subjects revolted, indefinitely postponing any Greek expedition.[24] Darius then died whilst preparing to march on Egypt, and the throne of Persia passed to his son Xerxes I.[25] Xerxes crushed the Egyptian revolt, and very quickly re-started the preparations for the invasion of Greece.[26] Since this was to be a full scale invasion, it required long-term planning, stock-piling and conscription.[26] Xerxes decided that the Hellespont would be bridged to allow his army to cross to Europe, and that a canal should be dug across the isthmus of Mount Athos (rounding which headland, a Persian fleet had been destroyed in 492 BC).[27] These were both feats of exceptional ambition, which would have been beyond any contemporary state.[27] By early 480 BC, the preparations were complete, and the army which Xerxes had mustered at Sardis marched towards Europe, crossing the Hellespont on two pontoon bridges.[28]
The Athenians had also been preparing for war with the Persians since the mid-480s BC, and in 482 BC the decision was taken, under the guidance of the Athenian politician Themistocles, to build a massive fleet of triremes that would be necessary for the Greeks to fight the Persians.[29] However, the Athenians did not have the manpower to fight on land and sea; and therefore combatting the Persians would require an alliance of Greek city states. In 481 BC, Xerxes sent ambassadors around Greece asking for earth and water, but making the very deliberate omission of Athens and Sparta.[30] Support thus began to coalesce around these two leading states. A congress of city states met at Corinth in late autumn of 481 BC,[31] and a confederate alliance of Greek city-states was formed. It had the power to send envoys asking for assistance and to dispatch troops from the member states to defensive points after joint consultation. This was remarkable for the disjointed Greek world, especially since many of the city-states in attendance were still technically at war with each other.[32]
The 'congress' met again in the spring of 480 BC. A Thessalian delegation suggested that the allies could muster in the narrow Vale of Tempe, on the borders of Thessaly, and thereby block Xerxes's advance.[33] A force of 10,000 hoplites was dispatched to the vale of Tempe, through which they believed the Persian army would have to pass. However, once there, they were warned by Alexander I of Macedon that the vale could be bypassed through the Sarantoporo Pass, and that the army of Xerxes was overwhelming, the Greeks retreated.[34] Shortly afterwards, they received the news that Xerxes had crossed the Hellespont.[33]
A second strategy was therefore suggested by Themistocles to the allies. The route to southern Greece (Boeotia, Attica and the Peloponnesus) would require the army of Xerxes to travel through the very narrow pass of Thermopylae. This could easily be blocked by the Greek hoplites, despite the overwhelming numbers of Persians. Furthermore, to prevent the Persians bypassing Thermopylae by sea, the Athenian and allied navies could block the straits of Artemisium. This dual strategy was adopted by the congress.[35] However, the Peloponnesian cities made fall-back plans to defend the Isthmus of Corinth should it come to it, whilst the women and children of Athens had been evacuated en masse to the Peloponnesian city of Troezen.[36]
Prelude
The Persian army seems to have made rather leisurely progress through Thrace and Macedon, but finally, in August, news of the imminent Persian approach reached Greece.[37] At this time of year the Spartans, de facto military leaders of the alliance, were celebrating the festival of Carneia. During the Carneia, military activity was forbidden by Spartan law; the Spartans had arrived too late at the Battle of Marathon because of this requirement.[38] It was also the time of the Olympic Games, and therefore the Olympic truce, and thus it would have been doubly sacrilegious for the whole Spartan army to march to war.[38][39] On this occasion, the ephors decided the urgency was sufficiently great to justify an advance expedition to block the pass, under one of its kings, Leonidas I. Leonidas took with him the 300 men of the royal bodyguard, the Hippeis, and a larger number of support troops drawn from other parts of Lacedaemon (including helots).[39] This expedition was to try and gather as many other allied troops along the way as possible, and to await the arrival of the main Spartan army.[39]
The legend of Thermopylae, as told by Herodotus, has it that the Spartans consulted the Oracle at Delphi earlier in the year. The Oracle is said to have made the following prophecy:O ye men who dwell in the streets of broad Lacedaemon!Herodotus tells us that Leonidas, in line with the prophecy, was convinced he was going to certain death since his forces were not adequate for a victory, and so he selected only Spartans with living sons.[41]
Either your glorious town shall be sacked by the children of Perseus,
Or, in exchange, must all through the whole Laconian country
Mourn for the loss of a king, descendant of great Heracles.[40]
En route to Thermopylae, the Spartan force was reinforced by contigents from various cities (see below) and numbered more than 5,000 by the time it arrived at the pass.[42] Leonidas chose to camp at, and defend the 'middle gate', the narrowest part of the pass of Thermopylae, where the Phocians had built a defensive wall some time before.[43] News also reached Leonidas, from the nearby city of Trachis, that there was a mountain track which could be used to outflank the pass of Thermopylae; in response, Leonidas stationed 1,000 Phocians on the heights to prevent such a maneuver.[44]
Finally, in mid-August, the Persian army was sighted across the Gulf of Malis, approaching Thermopylae.[45] With the Persian army's arrival at Thermopylae, the Allies held a council of war.[46] Some Peloponnesians suggested withdrawal to the Isthmus of Corinth and blocking the passage to Peloponnesus.[46] The Phocians and Locrians, whose states were located nearby, became indignant and advised defending Thermopylae and sending for more help. Leonidas calmed the panic and agreed to defend Thermopylae.[46]
A Persian emissary was sent by Xerxes to negotiate with Leonidas; the allies were offered their freedom and the title "Friends of the Persian People", moreover they would be re-settled on better land than they currently possessed.[47] When these terms were refused by Leonidas, the ambassador asked him more forcefully to lay down his weapons; Leonidas's famous response was for the Persians to "Come and get them" (Μολὼν λἀβε).[48] With the Persian embassy returning empty-handed, battle became inevitable. However, Xerxes delayed attacking for four days, waiting for the Allies to disperse, before sending troops to attack them.[49]
Opposing forces
Persian army
- For a full discussion of the size of the Persian invasion force, see Second Persian invasion of Greece
The numbers of troops which Xerxes mustered for the second invasion of Greece have been the subject of endless dispute, because the numbers given in ancient sources are very large indeed. Herodotus claimed that there were, in total, 2.5 million military personnel, accompanied by an equivalent number of support personnel.[50] The poet Simonides, who was a near-contemporary, talks of four million; Ctesias gave 800,000 as the total number of the army that was assembled by Xerxes.[4]
Modern scholars tend to reject the figures given by Herodotus and other ancient sources as completely unrealistic, and as a result of miscalculations or exaggerations on the part of the victors.[51] The topic has been hotly debated but the modern consensus revolves around the figure of 200–250,000.[52][51] Whatever the real numbers were, however, it is clear that Xerxes was anxious to ensure a successful expedition by mustering an overwhelming numerical superiority by land and by sea.[52]
The number of Persian troops present at Thermopylae is therefore as uncertain as the number for the total invasion force. For instance, it is unclear whether the whole Persian army marched as far as Thermopylae, or whether Xerxes left garrisons in Macedon and Thessaly. The force at Thermopylae probably consisted of the majority of the invasion force, and therefore around 200,000 men (by modern consensus).[51] The only ancient source to comment on this, Ctesias, suggests that 80,000 Persians fought at Thermopylae, but his account is only fragmentary, and otherwise somewhat garbled, for instance claiming that the Battle of Plataea took place before the Battle of Salamis.[4]
Greek army
According to Herodotus,[42] [53] and Diodorus Siculus,[54] the Allied army included the following forces:
| Group | Number - Herodotus | Numbers - Diodorus Siculus |
|---|---|---|
| Spartans | 300 | 300 |
| Lacedaemonians/ Perioeci | 900?[55] | 1,000 (including the Spartans?) |
| Spartan helots | 900?[55] | - |
| Mantineans | 500 | 3,000 (other Peloponnesians sent with Leonidas) |
| Tegeans | 500 | |
| Arcadian Orchomenos | 120 | |
| Other Arcadians | 1,000 | |
| Corinthians | 400 | |
| Phlians | 200 | |
| Mycenaeans | 80 | |
| Total Peloponnesians | 3,100[42] or 4,000[56] | 4,000 or 4,300 |
| Thespians | 700 | - |
| Melians | - | 1,000 |
| Thebans | 400 | 400 |
| Phocians | 1,000 | 1,000 |
| Opuntian Locrians | "All they had" | 1,000 |
| Grand Total | 5,200 (or 6,100) plus the Opuntian Locrians | 7,400 (or 7,700) |
Notes:
- The number of Peloponnesians
Diodorus suggests that there were 1,000 Lacedemonians and 3,000 other Pelopennesians, for a total of 4,000. Herodotus agrees with this figure in one passage, quoting an inscription by Simonides saying there were 4,000 Peloponnesians.[56] However, elsewhere, in the passage summarized by the above table, Herodotus tallies 3,100 Peloponnesians at Thermopylae before the battle[42] Herodotus also reports that at Xerxes' public showing of the dead, "helots were also there for them to see",[57] but he does not say how many or in what capacity they served. Thus, the difference between his two figures can be squared by supposing (without proof) that there were 900 helots (three per Spartan) present at the battle.[55] If helots were present at the battle, there is no reason to doubt that they served in their traditional role as armed retainers to individual Spartans. Alternatively, Herodotus's 'missing' 900 troops might have been Perioeci, and could therefore correspond to Diodorus's 1,000 Lacedemonians.[55]
- The number of Lacedemonians
Further confusing the issue is Diodorus's ambiguity about whether his 1,000 Lacedemonians include the 300 Spartans. At one point he says: "Leonidas, when he received the appointment, announced that only one thousand men should follow him on the campaign'".[54] However, he then says that: "There were, then, of the Lacedaemonians one thousand, and with them three hundred Spartiates".[54] It is therefore impossible to be clearer on this point.
Pausanias' account agrees with that of Herodotus (whom he probably read) except that he gives the number of Locrians, which Herodotus declined to estimate. Residing in the direct path of the Persian advance, they gave all the fighting men they had; according to Pausanias 6,000 men, which added to Herodotus' 5,200 would have given a force of 11,200.[58]
Many modern historians, who usually consider Herodotus more reliable,[59] add the 1,000 Lacedaemonians and the 900 Helots to Herodotus' 5,200 to obtain 7,100 or about 7,000 men as a standard number, neglecting Diodorus' Melians and Pausanias' Locrians.[60][61] However, this is only one approach, and many other combinations are plausible. Furthermore, the numbers changed later on in the battle when most of the army retreated and only approximately 3,000 men remained (300 Spartans, 700 Thespians, 400 Thebans, probably 900 helots and 1,000 Phocians stationed above the pass; less the casualties sustained in the previous days).[59]
Strategic and tactical considerations
From a strategic point of view, by defending Thermopylae, the Allies were making the best possible use of their forces.[62] As long as they could prevent further Persian advance into Greece, they had no requirement to seek a decisive battle, and could thus remain on the defensive. Moreover, by defending two constricted passages (Thermopylae and Artemisium), the Allies' inferior numbers became less problematic.[62] Conversely, for the Persians the problem of supplying such a large army meant that the Persians could not remain in the same place for too long.[63] The Persians must therefore retreat or advance; and advancing required the pass of Thermopylae to be forced.[63]
Tactically, the pass at Thermopylae was ideally suited to the Greek style of warfare.[62] A hoplite phalanx would be able to block the narrow pass with ease, with no risk of being outflanked by cavalry. In the pass, the phalanx would have been very difficult to assault for the more lightly armed Persian infantry.[62] The major weak point for the Allies was the mountain track which led across the highland parallel to Thermopylae, and which would allow their position to be outflanked. Although probably unsuitable for cavalry, this path could easily be traversed by the Persian infantry (many of whom were versed in mountain warfare).[64] Leonidas was made aware of this path by local people from Trachis, and he positioned a detachment of Phocian troops there in order to block this route.[44]
Topography of the battlefield
At the time, the pass of Thermopylae consisted of a track along the shore of the Gulf of Malis so narrow that only one chariot could pass through at a time.[65] On the southern side of the track stood the cliffs, while on the north side was the gulf. Along the path was a series of three constrictions, or "gates" (pylai), and at the center gate a short wall that had been erected by the Phocians in the previous century to aid in their defense against Thessalian invasions.[65] The name "Hot Gates" comes from the hot springs that were located there.[43]
Today, the pass is not near the sea but is several miles inland because of sedimentation in the Gulf of Malis. The old track appears at the foot of hills around the plain, flanked by a modern road. Recent core samples indicate that the pass was only 100 meters wide and the waters came up to the gates; "Little do the visitors realize that the battle took place across the road from the monument."[66] The pass still is a natural defensive position to modern armies, and British Commonwealth forces in World War II made a defense in 1941 against the Nazi invasion meters from the original battle field.
Battle
First day
On the fifth day after the Persian arrival at Thermopylae, Xerxes finally resolved to attack the Allies. First of all he sent Medes and Cissians against the Allies, to take them prisoner and bring them before him.[67][68] They soon found themselves launching a frontal assault on the Greek position.[67] The Allies fought in front of the Phocian wall, at the narrowest part of the pass.[69][70] Details of the tactics are scant; Diodorus says "the men stood shoulder to shoulder" and the Greeks were "superior in valor and in the great size of their shields."[71] This is probably describing the standard Greek phalanx, in which the men formed a wall of overlapping shields and layered spear points, which would have been highly effective as long as it spanned the width of the pass.[72] The wicker shields and shorter spears of the Persians prevented them effectively engaging the Greek hoplites.[71][73] Herodotus says that the units for each city were kept together; units were rotated in and out of the battle to prevent tiredness, which implies the Greeks had more men than necessary to block the pass.[74] The Greeks killed so many Medes that Xerxes is said to have started up off the seat from which he was watching the battle three times.[75] According to Ctesias, the first wave was "cut to pieces" with only two or three Spartans dead.[4]
According to Herodotus and Diodorus, the king, having taken the measure of the enemy, threw his best troops into a second assault the same day: the Immortals, an elite corps of 10,000 men.[71][73] However, the Immortals fared no better than the Medes had, failing to make headway against the Allies.[73] The Spartans apparently used a tactic of feigning retreat, and then turning on, and killing the enemy troops when they ran after the Spartans.[73]
Second day
On the second day, Xerxes again sent in the infantry to attack the pass, "supposing that their enemies, being so few, were now disabled by wounds and could no longer resist."[75] However, the Persians fared no better on the second day than on the first.[75] Xerxes at last stopped the assault and withdrew to his camp, totally perplexed.[4]
Late on the second day of battle, however, as the Persian king was pondering what to do next, he received a windfall; a Trachinian traitor named Ephialtes informed him of the mountain path around Thermopylae and offered to guide the Persian army.[76] Ephialtes was motivated by the desire of a reward.[76] For this act, the name of Ephialtes received a lasting stigma, his name coming to mean "nightmare" and becoming the archetypal term for a "traitor" in Greek.[77]
Herodotus reports that Xerxes sent his commander Hydarnes that evening, with the men under his command, the Immortals, to encircle the Allies via the path. However, he does not say who those men are.[78] The Immortals had been bloodied on the first day, so it is possible that Hydarnes may have been given overall command of an enhanced force including what was left of the Immortals, and indeed, according to Diodorus, Hydarnes had a force of 20,000 for the mission.[79] The path led from east of the Persian camp along the ridge of Mt. Anopaea behind the cliffs that flanked the pass. It branched with one path leading to Phocis and the other down to the Gulf of Malis at Alpenus, first town of Locris.[80]
Continued at Battle of Thermopylae, part 2
See also
References
- ^ Sacks (1976)
- ^ Lazenby, pp118–121
- ^ Herodotus VII,186
- ^ a b c d e Ctesias, Persica (from Photius's Epitome)
- ^ Herodotus VIII, 25
- ^ Herodotus VIII, 24
- ^ Cicero, On the Laws I, 5
- ^ a b c Holland, pp xvi–xvii
- ^ Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, e.g. I, 22
- ^ Holland, p xxiv
- ^ David Pipes. "Herodotus: Father of History, Father of Lies". http://www.loyno.edu/history/journal/1998-9/Pipes.htm. Retrieved on 2008-01-18.
- ^ a b Holland, p377
- ^ Fehling, pp1–277.
- ^ Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, XI, 28–34
- ^ Note to Herodotus IX, 81
- ^ a b Holland, p47–55
- ^ Holland, p203
- ^ Herodotus V, 105
- ^ a b Holland, 171–178
- ^ Herodotus VI, 44 [1]
- ^ a b c Holland, pp178–179
- ^ Herodotus VI, 101 [2]
- ^ Herodotus, VI, 113 [3]
- ^ Holland, p203
- ^ Holland, pp206–206
- ^ a b Holland, pp208–211
- ^ a b Holland, pp213–214
- ^ Herodotus VII, 35 [4]
- ^ Holland, p217–223
- ^ Herodotus VII, 32
- ^ Herodotus VII, 145
- ^ Holland, p226
- ^ a b Holland, pp248–249
- ^ Herodotus VII,173
- ^ Holland, pp255–257
- ^ Herodotus VIII, 40
- ^ Holland, pp255–256
- ^ a b Herodotus VII, 206
- ^ a b c Holland, pp258-259.
- ^ Rawlinson translation of Herodotus VII, 242
- ^ Herodotus VII, 205
- ^ a b c d Herodotus, VII, 202
- ^ a b Herodotus VIII, 201
- ^ a b Holland, pp262–264
- ^ Holland, pp269–270
- ^ a b c Herodotus VII, 207
- ^ Holland, pp270–271
- ^ Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica, Saying 11
- ^ Herodotus VII, 210
- ^ Herodotus VII, 186
- ^ a b c Holland, p237
- ^ a b de Souza, p41
- ^ Herodotus VII 203
- ^ a b c Diodorus Siculus, XI, 4
- ^ a b c d Macan, note to Herodotus VIII, 25
- ^ a b Herodotus VII, 228
- ^ Herodotus VIII, 25
- ^ Pausanias X, 20
- ^ a b Green, p140
- ^ Bradford, p106
- ^ Bury, pp271–282
- ^ a b c d
- ^ a b Holland, pp285-287
- ^ Holland, p 288
- ^ a b Herodotus VII, 176
- ^ Dore, pp285–286
- ^ a b Herodotus VII, 210
- ^ Diodorus Siculus XI, 6
- ^ Herodotus VII, 208
- ^
- ^ a b c Diodorus Siculus XI, 7
- ^ Holland, p274
- ^ a b c d Herodotus VII, 211
- ^ Herodotus VII, 204
- ^ a b c Herodotus VII, 212
- ^ a b Herodotus VII, 213
- ^ Tegopoulos, entry for Εφιάλτης
- ^ Herodotus VII, 215
- ^ Green (2006), p59
- ^ Herodotus VII, 217
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- Lazenby, JF. The Defence of Greece 490–479 BC. Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1993 (ISBN 0-85668-591-7)
- Ruskin, John (1894), "Part VIII: Of Ideas of Relation - I. of Invention Formal: Chapter I: The Law of Help", The Complete Works: Modern Painters: Volume the Fifth, New York: Bryan, Taylor and Company
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- Merivale, J.K. (1833). From the Greek Anthology by the Late Rev. Robert Bland, and Others: A New Edition: Comprising the Fragments of Early Lyric Poetry, With Specimens of All the Poets Included in Meleager's Garland. Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman; and John Murray.
- Crawford, Osbert Guy Stanhope (1955). Said and Done: The Autobiography of an Archaeologist. Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
- Fehling, D. Herodotus and His "Sources": Citation, Invention, and Narrative Art. Translated by J.G. Howie. Arca Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers, and Monographs, 21. Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1989
- Barkworth, Peter R. (1993). "The Organization of Xerxes' Army". Iranica Antiqua XXVII: pages 149–167. Retrieved on 2007-10-18.
- Morris, Ian Macgregor (2000). "To Make a New Thermopylae: Hellenism, Greek Liberation, and the Battle of Thermopylae". Greece & Rome 47 (2): pages 211–230. DOI:10.1093/gr/47.2.211.
- Eikenberry, Lt. Gen. Karl W. (Summer 1996). "Take No Casualties". Parameters: US Army War College Quarterly XXVI (2): pages 109–118. Retrieved on 2007-10-17.
- Strachey, Edward (February, 1871). "The Soldiers's Duty". The Contemporary Review XVI: pages 480–485.
- S. Sacks, Kenneth (1976). "Herodotus and the Dating of the Battle of Thermopylae". The Classical Quarterly 26 (2): 232–248. Retrieved on 2008-07-05.
- Dore, Lyn (2001), "Once the War Is Over", in Freeman, P.W.M.; Pollard, A., Fields of Conflict: Progress and Prospect in Battlefield Archaeology, David Brown Book Co., pp. pages 285–286, ISBN 9781841712499. The article can be viewed at [8]
- Pressfield, Steven (1998). Gates of Fire: An Epic Novel of the Battle of Thermopylae. Doubleday, page 384. ISBN 0385492910.
- Golding, William (2002). "The Hot Gates" (html). The Sparta pages. http://uts.cc.utexas.edu/~sparta/topics/essays/academic/golding.htm. Retrieved on 2007-10-20.
- Miller, Frank (w, p, i). 300. (1999). Dark Horse Comics. ISBN 1569714029.
- Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους = History of the Greek nation volume Β', Athens 1971
Tegopoulos, G.; A. Phytrakis (1988). Elliniko Lexico (Greek Dictionary). Armonia.
External links
- EDSITEment Lesson Plan: 300 Spartans at the Battle of Thermopylae: Herodotus' Real History (from the National Endowment for the Humanities)
- Lendering, Jona (1996-2007). "Herodotus' twenty-second logos: Thermopylae" (html). Livius articles on ancient history. http://www.livius.org/he-hg/herodotus/logos7_22.html. Retrieved on 2007-10-19.
- The Five Great Battles of Antiquity by David L. Smith, Symposion Lectures, 30
June 2006.
- Modern monument at siu.edu
- Spartan burial mound at coloradocollege.edu
- Battle of Thermopylae Lycurgus.org
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