Marcel Mauss

Marcel Mauss (10 May 1872 – 10 February 1950; pronounced /mo:s/) was a French sociologist. The nephew of Émile Durkheim, Mauss' academic work traversed the boundaries between sociology and. Today, he is perhaps better recognised for his influence on the latter discipline; particularly with respect to his analyses of topics such as, and  in different cultures around the world. Mauss had a significant influence upon the founder of, Claude Lévi-Strauss. His most famous book is  (1925).

Background
Mauss was born in, to a Jewish family, and studied philosophy at , where his uncle Émile Durkheim was teaching at the time, and passed the  in 1893. Instead of taking the usual route of teaching at a, however, Mauss moved to Paris and took up the study of and the  language. His first publication in 1896 marked the beginning of a prolific career that would produce several landmarks in the sociological literature.

Like many members of  Mauss was attracted to socialism, particularly that espoused by Jean Jaurès. He was particularly active in the events of the Dreyfus affair and towards the end of the century he helped edit such left-wing papers as Le Populaire, L'Humanité and Le Mouvement Socialiste, the last in collaboration with Georges Sorel.

Mauss took up a chair in the 'history of religion and uncivilized peoples' at the  in 1901. It was at this time that he began drawing more and more on ethnography, and his work began increasingly to look like what we would today call.

The years of World War I were absolutely devastating for Mauss. Many of his friends and colleagues died in the war, and Durkheim died shortly before its end. The postwar years were also difficult politically for Mauss. Durkheim had made changes to school curricula across France, and after his death a backlash against his students began. Like many other followers of Durkheim, Mauss took refuge in administration, securing Durkheim's legacy by founding institutions such as l'Institut Français de Sociologie (1924) and l'Institut d'Ethnologie in 1926. In 1931 he took up the chair of Sociology at the. He actively fought against anti-semitism and racial politics both before and after World War II. He died in 1950.

Theoretical views
In his classic work , Mauss argued that gifts are never "free". Rather, human history is full of examples that gifts give rise to reciprocal exchange. The famous question that drove his inquiry into the anthropology of the gift was: "What power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back?" (1990:3). The answer is simple: the gift is a "total prestation", imbued with "spiritual mechanisms", engaging the honour of both giver and receiver (the term "total prestation" or "" (fait social total) was coined by his student after ). Such transactions transcend the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that according to Mauss is almost "magical". The giver does not merely give an object but also part of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: "the objects are never completely separated from the men who exchange them" (1990:31). Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on part of the recipient. To not reciprocate means to lose honour and status, but the spiritual implications can be even worse: in Polynesia, failure to reciprocate means to lose , one's spiritual source of authority and wealth. Mauss distinguished between three obligations: giving - the necessary initial step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships; receiving, for to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond; and reciprocating in order to demonstrate one's own liberality, honour and wealth.

An important notion in Mauss' conceptualisation of is what Gregory (1982, 1997) refers to as "inalienability". In a commodity economy there is a strong distinction between objects and persons through the notion of private property. Objects are sold, meaning that the ownership rights are fully transferred to the new owner. The object has thereby become "alienated" from its original owner. In a, however, the objects that are given are inalienated from the givers; they are "loaned rather than sold and ceded". It is the fact that the identity of the giver is invariably bound up with the object given that causes the gift to have a power which compels the recipient to reciprocate. Because gifts are inalienable they must be returned; the act of giving creates a gift-debt that has to be repaid. Because of this, the notion of an expected return of the gift creates a relationship over time between two individuals. In other words, through gift-giving a social bond evolves that is assumed to continue through space and time until the future moment of exchange. Gift exchange therefore leads to a mutual interdependence between giver and receiver. According to Mauss, the "free" gift that is not returned is a contradiction because it cannot create social ties. Following the Durkheimian quest for understanding social cohesion through the concept of solidarity, Mauss's argument is that solidarity is achieved through the social bonds created by gift exchange.

Critiques
Mauss's views on the nature of gift exchange have not been without their critics. French anthropologist (1998) for example argues that there are "free" gifts, such as passers-by giving money to beggars in e.g. a large Western city. Donor and receiver do not know each other and are unlikely to ever meet again. In this context, the donation certainly creates no obligation on the side of the beggar to reciprocate; neither the donor nor the beggar have such an expectation. Testart argues that only the latter can actually be enforced. He feels that Mauss overstated the magnitude of the obligation created by social pressures, particularly in his description of the amongst North American Indians.

Another example of a non-reciprocal "free" gift is provided by British anthropologist (2000). He describes the social context of Indian renouncers, a group of itinerant celibate renouncers living an ascetic life of spiritual purification and salvation. The of the doctrine of ahimsa (an extremely rigorous application of principles of nonviolence) influences the diet of Jain renouncers and compels them to avoid preparing food as this could potentially involve violence against microscopic organisms. Since Jain renouncers do not work, they rely on food donations from lay families within the Jain community. However, the former must not appear to be having any wants or desires, and only very hesitantly and apologetically receive the food prepared by the latter.

"Free" gifts therefore challenge the aspects of the Maussian notion of the gift unless we take into consideration the moral and non-material qualities of gifting. These aspects are, of course, at the heart of the gift, as demonstrated in books such as Annette Weiner's (1992), Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping While Giving.

Legacy
While Mauss is known for several of his own works - most notably his masterpiece Essai sur le Don () - much of his best work was done in collaboration with members of the Année Sociologique, including Durkheim (Primitive Classification),  (Outline of a General Theory of Magic and Essay on the Nature and Function of Sacrifice),  (Sociology'') and others.

Like many prominent French academics, Mauss did not train a great number of students. Nonetheless, many anthropologists claim to have followed in his footsteps, most notably Claude Lévi-Strauss. The essay on The Gift is the origin for anthropological studies of. His analysis of the has inspired  (The Accursed Share); then the  (the name of the first situationist journal was "Potlatch"); and has been used by many interested in  and Open Source software, although this latter use sometimes differs from Mauss's original formulation. See also 's revolutionary critique of Mauss in "Imagination and the Erotic Life of Property".

Bibliography by Mauss

 * Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice, (with ) 1898.
 * La sociologie: objet et méthode, (with Paul Fauconnet) 1901.
 * De quelques formes primitives de classification, (with Durkheim) 1902.
 * Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie, (with ) 1902.
 * Essai sur le don, 1924.
 * Les Techniques du corps, 1934. Journal de Psychologie 32 (3-4). Reprinted in Mauss, Sociologie et anthropologie, 1936, Paris: PUF.
 * Sociologie et anthropologie, (selected writings) 1950.

The works of Marcel Mauss are available free of charge (in French) in the "Les classiques des sciences sociales" web site, inside the "Les auteurs classiques" collection.